
The health status
of Panamanian Immigrants
in New York City:
An assesment
By Marcia Bayne-Smith, PhD
Prof. – Urban Studies Dept
Queens College – CUNY
Chair – Board of Directors
Caribbean Women’s Health Asso., Inc.
Introduction
Any effort to assess the health status of Panamanian immigrants living
in New York City has to begin with a careful examination of how well
or how poorly Panamanians are doing in terms of maternal and child health
measures which are generally regarded as key indicators in determining
the health status of a community. Among maternal and child health measures,
the infant mortality rate (IMR) in particular, is internationally considered
to be a reliable indicator of the health status of any population group.
The universal acceptance of the infant mortality indicator is based
on the recognition that infants are in many way, the most vulnerable
segment of any population group in terms of susceptibility to health
adversities in their environment. Therefore, if a group is unable to
safeguard the health of its babies it is unlikely that they will take
care of the health of adults. The international reliability of this
indicator is also largely due to the fact that it involves birth and
death statistics which every country collects and involves an “event”
which, unlike the identification of various diseases, is unambiguous.
However, the greatest power of the IMR indicator is its ability to act
as a predictor of health status of any group because among groups where
IMR is highest, invariably that group also faces high levels of additional
health problems.
Reports from the National Center for Health Statistics point out that
infant mortality decreased dramatically in the United States (U.S.)
throughout the course of the twentieth century with declines as high
as 55% for whites and 37% for blacks in the last 2 decades (National
Center for Health Statistics [NCHS], 1998). While this improvement is
indeed significant for the U.S. as a whole, it has not been consistent
for everyone who resides in the U.S. For example, the 1991 US IMR of
16.5 for black infants was 2.2 times greater than the rate of 7.25 for
whites. Ten years later, IMR information from the Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention (CDC) indicated that the 2001 IMR of 14.0 for
blacks was 2.6 times greater than the rate of 5.7 for whites, which
emphasizes not only the persistence of racial health disparities but
also that in the wealthiest nation in the world, black infants are more
than twice as likely to die before their first birthday than white infants.
There are many explanations for the higher IMR risk among racial/ethnic
groups and these include:
- higher incidence of low birth weight (LBW) and pre-term births for
blacks, even
when controlling for education as a proxy for socio-economic status
- sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) has been shown to play a role
in higher IMRs
among American Indian and Alaska Natives,
- LBW has been identified as contributing to high IMR in Latinos/Hispanics,
and Asian
Pacific Islanders as well.
While these explanations refer to birth outcome of the four major groups
of color in the U.S., there are no explanations or studies that shed
light on the current glaring IMR disparities found in specific racial/ethnic
immigrant communities in New York City or elsewhere in the country.
Let us focus for a moment on the situation in New York City (NYC) and
of course on Panamanians.
New York City Department of Health (NYCDOH) released reports in 1998,
with the claim that it had achieved a city-wide IMR average of 6.4 which
was certainly lower than the national average of 7.2. Local community-based
organizations (CBOs), hospitals and other health providers in Brooklyn,
questioned the reports asked for a closer examination of data from a
more comprehensive (1996-1999) period. Analysis of the larger data set
revealed that there were significant racial differences in IMR in NYC,
and much of those differences are concentrated among immigrant groups.
Further, the data identified a dozen countries: ten in the circum-Caribbean
Region, and two from Africa as the birth countries of immigrant mothers
with the highest IMR. One of those countries from the circum-Caribbean
countries is Panama.
Panamanian Immigrants in New York City
Data from New York City Department of City Planning (NYCDCP) indicates
that while Panamanian immigrants to the U.S are found in all 50 states,
New York City has the largest cluster. In New York City Panamanians
are most numerous in North Central Brooklyn, an initial stop in their
migration pattern, which is sometimes, but not always, followed by a
secondary migration pattern away from the inner city to outer suburban
areas of the City and to other states. Naturally, this data excludes
the undocumented population as there is no “official” or
reliable quantification of undocumented persons in the country. Nevertheless,
it is estimated that for every 3 documented persons there is at least
one undocumented person in the country and this flow of undocumented
persons is expected to continue. It can be expected that these assumptions
about the undocumented also hold true for Panama.
Given these characteristics of U.S. migration, the demographic profiles
of Panamanians in the U.S. (Table I) and in New York City (Table II)
are illustrated below:

The process of immigration and settlement is one that is naturally shaped
by kinship networks. As a result, new immigrants to the City move into
immigrant enclaves where there is an existing concentration of people
from their homelands. According to data from NYCDCP, Table III shows
the continuous concentration from 1990 to 2000 of Panamanians in Brooklyn
and Table IV shows the specific Brooklyn neighborhoods where Panamanians
tend to be clustered.
Panamanian
Neighborhoods in
Brooklyn 1990 - 2000
• Williamsburg D Bushwick
•Bedford Stuyvesant
•East New York
•East Flatbush - Flatbush
•Canarsie - Flatlands
IMR Rates
Among Panamanian Immigrants in NYC.
The highest IMR in NYC is concentrated among immigrant women from 10
Caribbean countries and two from Africa. Table 5 describes the highest
IMRs in NYC by maternal place of birth for 1996-1999, Panamanian women
as a group, have the third highest infant mortality rate among immigrant
groups in NYC.
A summary report of vital statistics from NYCDOH for year 2000 provides
information on IMR by borough and by specific neighborhoods. (See Figure
V, NYC – Residents, 2000) This figure indicates that the infant
death rate for NYC as a whole was 6.7 per 1000, which is better than
the goal of 7 established by the Federal Healthy People 2000 (HP2000)
program but above the target of 4.5 for 2010 that has been set by the
Healthy People 2010 (HP2010) goals. It is also evident from this data
that IMRs are not uniform throughout the city as it is clearly lower
in Manhattan (5.0), Staten Island (6.1) and Queens (5.8), than the city
average of 6.7. However, the overall NYC IMR of 6.7 in 2000 was surpassed
by two boroughs of which Brooklyn is one (6.9). Further, the highest
rates in Brooklyn are in the neighborhoods of: Bedford Stuyvesant-Crown
Heights (10.8), East Flatbush-Flatbush (9.8), East New York (8.9), and
Canarsie-Flatlands (8.7) which are all neighborhoods with concentrations
of Panamanians.
Health Status
Implications
The long standing reliability of the IMR indicator to suggest the presence
of other health problems in a given population demands that we look
at the implications of high IMRs among Panamanians living in NYC, by
exploring the incidence of three selected health indicators: Asthma,
HIV/AIDS and Prostate Cancer, in neighborhoods where Panamanians reside.
Table 7 shows that asthma in children 0-14 in Brooklyn is highest, in
most (four of the five) of the same neighborhoods where IMR is also
highest.

Three of the five
neighborhoods in Table 8 with an adult/adolescent AIDS case rate in
Brooklyn of more than 4000 cases are ones in which large numbers of
Panamanians reside.
Data was obtained
from NYCDOH on the 1992-1995 Prostate Cancer Rates by neighborhood for
men 45-64. Table 9 shows unusually high rates of prostate cancer in
those same neighborhoods.
Conclusion
Given the preceding discussion on the high IMRs, among immigrant mothers
in NYC who were born in the Republic of Panama and its attendant impact
on health status, it is important for Panamanians to be aware that we
have a unique set of health care needs and concerns that we must now
focus on addressing. First there is a lack of readily available health
care services in our communities. Many of the health professionals who
provide health services to us are grossly negligent of who we are, our
culture or how we utilize health services. There has also been a palpable
inattention by health service providers in our communities, to the development
of culturally sensitive models of service delivery that are best suited
for addressing health disparities for Panamanians.
Of equal importance is the absence of reliable data without which any
group is hard pressed to argue its case for the need for better care.
With regard to the issue of data, the City has not instituted any uniform
measures for collecting all health data which means that there is inadequate
coordination of data related to the health needs of Panamanians or any
other racial-ethnic group. Without access to uniform data, it will be
extremely difficult for us as a group to advocate for the services we
need to decrease the incidence of HIV/AIDS, cancers, drug and alcohol
use, chronic diseases, and poor birth outcomes, particularly IMR, in
our community.
Therefore the health care goals for the Panamanian community in NYC
must include:
- The development of a broad network of bilingual health care
providers.
- Efforts to increase awareness of Panamanian culture among health professionals
so that they might better provide culturally sensitive services
Encourage health related research targeting the Panamanian
Increase the number of Panamanian professionals in a broad range of
health care professions.
Inform and educate the Panamanian community in order to diminish and
eliminate behaviors that promote the spread of disease.
Address immigration-related issues restricting access to care.
Many challenges lie ahead as we begin to take hold of our health and
our health care needs. We must bear in mind that the struggle for optimum
health is not only personal but also, it is indeed a larger struggle
in which we much first acquire the skills and resources needed to take
on the struggle. Then, we must become fully cognizant of the kinds of
changes we will have to make, personal and political, knowing that ultimately
we must assume responsibility for our own destiny.
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